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பெற்ற அம்மாவை வெறுக்க வேண்டுமானால்?

>> Tuesday, March 4, 2008


பெற்ற அம்மாவை வெறுக்க வேண்டுமானால்?அவள் எவ்வளவு கொடியவளாக இருந்திருப்பாள் பாருங்கள்,கொஞ்ச நாளுக்கு முன் ஈராக்கின் நிலை பற்றி சில அழகான பாடல்களை இயற்றி அதில் இறந்த ஒரு சில ஈராக்கியர்களின் பிணத்தை காண்பித்து மற்றவனை கொல்ல தூண்டும் விதமாக முயற்சிகளை ஜிஹாதிக் கும்பல் செய்திருந்தது,ஆனால் உண்மை மனம் கொண்ட ஈராக்கியர்கள் இஸ்லாமை வெறுக்கிறார்கள் என்றால் அது எவ்வளவு கொடியதாக இருந்திருக்க வேண்டும்.

ஏராளமான ஈராக்கிய இளைஞர்கள், சுன்னி ஷியா போன்ற பிரிவுகளில் பிறந்த இளைஞர்கள், கடுமையாக இஸ்லாமையும், இஸ்லாமிய தலைவர்களையும் வெறுக்கிறார்கள் என்று ஆராய்ச்சி கூறுகிறது.

ஈராக்கில் தொடரும் வன்முறைக்கு ஷியா தலைவர்களையும் சுன்னி தலைவர்களையுமே காரணமாக கூறுகிறார்கள். இஸ்லாம் என்ற மதமே வன்முறை மதம் என்றும் இவர்கள் கருதுகிறார்கள்.

ஆனால், ஈராக் தவிர மற்ற மத்திய கிழக்கு நாடுகளில் இளைஞர்கள் தேசிய வாதத்தை விட்டுவிட்டு மதவாதத்தில் இறங்குகிறார்கள் என்பதையும் ஆராய்ச்சி தெரிவிக்கிறது.

Young Iraqis are losing their faith in religion
By Sabrina Tavernise


Monday, March 3, 2008
BAGHDAD: After almost five years of war, many young Iraqis, exhausted by constant firsthand exposure to the violence of religious extremism, say they have grown disillusioned with religious leaders and skeptical of the faith that they preach.

In two months of interviews with 40 young people in five Iraqi cities, a pattern of disenchantment emerged, in which young Iraqis, both poor and middle class, blamed clerics for the violence and the restrictions that have narrowed their lives.

"I hate Islam and all the clerics because they limit our freedom every day and their instruction became heavy over us," said Sara Sami, a high school student in Basra. "Most of the girls in my high school hate that Islamic people control the authority because they don't deserve to be rulers."

Atheer, a 19-year-old from a poor, heavily Shiite neighborhood in southern Baghdad, said: "The religion men are liars. Young people don't believe them. Guys my age are not interested in religion anymore."

The shift in Iraq runs counter to trends of rising religiousness among young people across much of the Middle East, where religion has replaced nationalism as a unifying ideology. While religious extremists are admired by a number of young people in other parts of the Arab world, Iraq offers a test case of what could happen when extremist theories are applied.

Fingers caught smoking were broken. Long hair was cut and force-fed to its owner. In that laboratory, disillusionment with Islamic leaders took hold.

It is far from clear whether the shift means a wholesale turn away from religion. A tremendous piety still predominates in the private lives of young Iraqis, and religious leaders, despite the increased skepticism, still wield tremendous power. Measuring religiousness furthermore, is a tricky business in Iraq, where access to cities and towns that are far from Baghdad is limited.

But a shift seems to be registering, at least anecdotally, in the choices some young Iraqis are making. Professors reported difficulty recruiting graduate students for religion classes. Attendance at weekly prayers appears to be down, even in areas where the violence has largely subsided, according to worshipers and imams in Baghdad and Falluja. In two visits to the weekly prayer session in Baghdad of the followers of Moktada al-Sadr last autumn, vastly smaller crowds attended than had in 2004 or 2005.

Such patterns, if lasting, could lead to a weakening of the political power of religious leaders in Iraq. In a nod to those changing tastes, political parties are scrubbing overt references to religion.

"In the beginning, they gave their eyes and minds to the clerics, they trusted them," said Abu Mahmoud, a moderate Sunni cleric in Baghdad, who now works deprogramming religious extremists in American detention. "It's painful to admit, but it's changed. People have lost too much. They say to the clerics and the parties: You cost us this."

"When they behead someone, they say 'Allah Akbar,' they read Koranic verse," said a moderate Shiite sheik from Baghdad. "The young people, they think that is Islam. So Islam is a failure, not only in the students' minds, but also in the community."

A professor at Baghdad University's School of Law, who would identify herself only as Bushra, said of her students: "They have changed their views about religion. They started to hate religious men. They make jokes about them because they feel disgusted by them."

That was not always the case. Saddam Hussein encouraged religion in Iraqi society in his later years, building Sunni mosques and injecting more religion into the public school curriculum, but always made sure it served his authoritarian needs. Shiites, considered to be an alternate political force and a threat to Hussein's power, were kept under close watch. Young Shiites who worshiped were seen as political subversives and risked attracting the attention of the police.

For that reason, the American invasion was sweetest to the Shiites, who for the first time were able to worship freely. They soon became a potent political force, as religious political leaders appealed to their shared and painful past and their respect for the Shiite religious hierarchy.

"After 2003, you couldn't put your foot into the husseiniya, it was so crowded with worshipers," said Sayeed Sabah, a Shiite religious leader from Baghdad, referring to a Shiite place of prayer.

Religion had moved abruptly into the Shiite public space, but often in ways that made educated, religious Iraqis uncomfortable. Militias were offering Koran courses. Titles came cheaply. In Abu Mahmoud's neighborhood, a butcher with no knowledge of Islam became the leader of a mosque.

A moderate Shiite cleric, Sheik Qasim, recalled watching in amazement as a former student, who never earned more than mediocre marks, whizzed by stalled traffic in a long convoy of sport utility vehicles in central Baghdad. He had become a religious leader.

"I thought I would get out of the car, grab him and slap him!" said the sheik. "These people don't deserve their positions."

An official for the Ministry of Education in Baghdad, a secular Shiite, described the newfound faith like this: "It was like they wanted to put on a new, stylish outfit."

Religious Sunnis, for their part, also experienced a heady swell in mosque attendance, but soon became the hosts for groups of religious extremists, foreign and Iraqi, who were preparing to fight the United States.

Zane Muhammad, a gangly 19-year-old with an earnest face, watched with curiosity as the first Islamists in his Baghdad neighborhood came to barbershops, tea parlors, and carpentry stores before taking over the mosques. They were neither uneducated nor poor, he said, though they focused on those who were. Then, one morning while waiting for a bus to school, Muhammad watched a man walk up to a neighbor, a college professor whose sect Muhammad did not know, shoot him at point-blank range three times and walk back to his car as calmly "as if he was leaving a grocery store."

"Nobody is thinking," Muhammad said in an interview in October. "We use our minds just to know what to eat. This is something I am very sad about. We hear things and just believe them."

By 2006, even those who had initially taken part in the violence were growing weary. Haidar, a grade school dropout, was proud to tell his family he was following a Shiite cleric in a fight against American soldiers in the summer of 2004. Two years later, however, he found himself in the company of gangsters.

Young militia members were abusing drugs. Gift mopeds had become gift guns. In three years, he saw five killings, mostly of Sunnis, including that of a Sunni cabdriver shot for his car.

It was just as bad, if not worse, for young Sunnis. Rubbed raw by Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia, they found themselves stranded in neighborhoods that were governed by seventh-century rules. During interviews with a dozen Sunni teenage boys in a Baghdad detention facility on several sticky days in September, several expressed relief at being in jail, so they could wear shorts, a form of dress they would have been punished for in their neighborhoods.

Some Iraqis argue that religious-based politics was much more about identity than faith. When Shiites voted for religious parties in large numbers in an election in 2005, it was more an effort to show their numbers, than a victory of the religious over the secular.

"It was a fight to prove our existence," said a young Shiite journalist from Sadr City. "We were embracing our existence, not religion."

The war dragged on, and young people from both sects became more broadly involved. Criminals had begun using teenagers and younger boys to carry out killings. The number of juveniles in American detention was up more than sevenfold in November from April, and Iraq's main prison for youth, in Baghdad, has triple the prewar population.

But while younger people were taking a more active role in the violence, their motivation was less likely than adults to be religion-driven. Of the 900 juvenile detainees in American custody in November fewer than 10 percent claimed to be fighting a holy war, according to the American military. About one-third of adults said they were.

A worker in the American detention system said that by her estimate, only about a third of the adult detainee population, which is overwhelmingly Sunni, prayed.

"As a group, they are not religious," said Major General Douglas Stone, the head of detainee operations for the military. "When we ask if they are doing it for jihad, the answer is no."

Muath, a slender, 19-year-old Sunni with distant eyes and hollow cheeks, is typical. He was selling mobile phone credits and plastic flowers, struggling to keep his mother and five young siblings afloat, when a recruiter, a man in his 30s, a regular customer, offered him cash in western Baghdad last spring to be part of an insurgent group, whose motivations were a mix of money and sectarian interests. Muath, the only wage earner, agreed. Suddenly his family could afford to eat meat again, he said in an interview in September.

Indeed, at least part of the religious violence in Baghdad had money at its heart. An officer at the Kadhamiya detention center, where Muath was being held this autumn, said recordings of beheadings fetch much higher prices than those of shooting executions in the CD markets, which explains why even nonreligious kidnappers will behead hostages.

When Muath was arrested last year, the police found two hostages, Shiite brothers, in a safe house that Muath revealed. Photographs showed the men looking wide-eyed into the camera; dark welts covered their bodies.

Violent struggle against the United States was easy to romanticize at a distance.

"I used to love Osama Bin Laden," proclaimed a 24-year-old Iraqi college student. She was referring to how she felt before the war took hold in her native Baghdad. The Sept. 11, 2001, strike at American supremacy was satisfying, and the deaths, abstract.

Now, the student recites the familiar complaints: Her college has segregated the security checks; guards told her to stop wearing a revealing skirt; she covers her head for safety.

"Now I hate Islam," she said, sitting in her family's unadorned living room in central Baghdad. "Al Qaeda and the Mahdi Army are spreading hatred. People are being killed for nothing."

Parents have taken new precautions to keep their children out of trouble. Abu Tahsin, a Shiite from northern Baghdad, said that when his extended family built a Shiite mosque, they purposely did not register it with the religious authorities, even though it would have brought privileges, because they did not want to become entangled with any of the main religious Shiite groups that control Baghdad.

In Falluja, a Sunni city west of Baghdad that had been overrun by Al Qaeda, Sheik Khalid al-Mahamedie, a moderate cleric, said that fathers now came with their sons to mosques to meet the instructors of Koran courses. Families used to worry most about their daughters in adolescence, but now, the sheik said, they worry more about their sons.

"Before, parents warned their sons not to smoke or drink," said Muhammad Ali al-Jumaili, a Falluja father with a 20-year-old son. "Now all their energy is concentrated on not letting them be involved with terrorism."

Recruiters are relentless, and, as it turns out, clever, peddling things their young targets need. Stone describes it as a sales pitch a pimp gives to a prospective prostitute. American military officers at the American detention center said it was the Al Qaeda detainees who were best prepared for group sessions and asked the most questions.

A Qaeda recruiter approached Zane Muhammad, on a college campus with the offer of English lessons. Though lessons had been a personal ambition of Muhammad's for months, once he knew what the man was after, he politely avoided him."When you talk with them, you find them very modern, very smart," said Muhammad, a nonreligious Shiite, who recalled feigning disdain for his own sect to avoid suspicion.

The population they focused on was poor and uneducated. About 60 percent of the American adult detainee population is illiterate and is unable to even read the Koran that religious recruiters are preaching.

That leads to strange twists. One young detainee, a client of Abu Mahmoud's, was convinced he had to kill his parents when he was released, because they were married in an insufficiently Islamic way.

There is a new favorite game in the lively household of the Baghdad journalist. When they see a man with a turban on television, they crack jokes. In one of them, people are warned not to give their cellphone numbers to a religious man.

"If he knows the number, he'll steal the phone's credit," the journalist said. "The sheiks are making a society of nonbelievers."

Kareem Hilmi, Ahmad Fadam and Qais Mizher contributed reporting.

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பெற்ற அம்மாவை வெறுக்க வேண்டுமானால்?

 
பெற்ற அம்மாவை வெறுக்க வேண்டுமானால்?அவள் எவ்வளவு கொடியவளாக இருந்திருப்பாள் பாருங்கள்,கொஞ்ச நாளுக்கு முன் ஈராக்கின் நிலை பற்றி  சில அழகான பாடல்களை இயற்றி அதில் இறந்த ஒரு சில ஈராக்கியர்களின் பிணத்தை காண்பித்து மற்றவனை கொல்ல தூண்டும் விதமாக முயற்சிகளை ஜிஹாதிக் கும்பல் செய்திருந்தது,ஆனால் உண்மை மனம் கொண்ட ஈராக்கியர்கள் இஸ்லாமை வெறுக்கிறார்கள் என்றால் அது எவ்வளவு கொடியதாக இருந்திருக்க வேண்டும்.
 
 
 
 
இஸ்லாமை கடுமையாக வெறுக்கும் ஈராக் இளைஞர்கள்

ஏராளமான ஈராக்கிய இளைஞர்கள், சுன்னி ஷியா போன்ற பிரிவுகளில் பிறந்த இளைஞர்கள், கடுமையாக இஸ்லாமையும், இஸ்லாமிய தலைவர்களையும் வெறுக்கிறார்கள் என்று ஆராய்ச்சி கூறுகிறது.

ஈராக்கில் தொடரும் வன்முறைக்கு ஷியா தலைவர்களையும் சுன்னி தலைவர்களையுமே காரணமாக கூறுகிறார்கள். இஸ்லாம் என்ற மதமே வன்முறை மதம் என்றும் இவர்கள் கருதுகிறார்கள்.

ஆனால், ஈராக் தவிர மற்ற மத்திய கிழக்கு நாடுகளில் இளைஞர்கள் தேசிய வாதத்தை விட்டுவிட்டு மதவாதத்தில் இறங்குகிறார்கள் என்பதையும் ஆராய்ச்சி தெரிவிக்கிறது.

Young Iraqis are losing their faith in religion
By Sabrina Tavernise


Monday, March 3, 2008
BAGHDAD: After almost five years of war, many young Iraqis, exhausted by constant firsthand exposure to the violence of religious extremism, say they have grown disillusioned with religious leaders and skeptical of the faith that they preach.

In two months of interviews with 40 young people in five Iraqi cities, a pattern of disenchantment emerged, in which young Iraqis, both poor and middle class, blamed clerics for the violence and the restrictions that have narrowed their lives.

"I hate Islam and all the clerics because they limit our freedom every day and their instruction became heavy over us," said Sara Sami, a high school student in Basra. "Most of the girls in my high school hate that Islamic people control the authority because they don't deserve to be rulers."

Atheer, a 19-year-old from a poor, heavily Shiite neighborhood in southern Baghdad, said: "The religion men are liars. Young people don't believe them. Guys my age are not interested in religion anymore."

The shift in Iraq runs counter to trends of rising religiousness among young people across much of the Middle East, where religion has replaced nationalism as a unifying ideology. While religious extremists are admired by a number of young people in other parts of the Arab world, Iraq offers a test case of what could happen when extremist theories are applied.

Fingers caught smoking were broken. Long hair was cut and force-fed to its owner. In that laboratory, disillusionment with Islamic leaders took hold.

It is far from clear whether the shift means a wholesale turn away from religion. A tremendous piety still predominates in the private lives of young Iraqis, and religious leaders, despite the increased skepticism, still wield tremendous power. Measuring religiousness furthermore, is a tricky business in Iraq, where access to cities and towns that are far from Baghdad is limited.

But a shift seems to be registering, at least anecdotally, in the choices some young Iraqis are making. Professors reported difficulty recruiting graduate students for religion classes. Attendance at weekly prayers appears to be down, even in areas where the violence has largely subsided, according to worshipers and imams in Baghdad and Falluja. In two visits to the weekly prayer session in Baghdad of the followers of Moktada al-Sadr last autumn, vastly smaller crowds attended than had in 2004 or 2005.

Such patterns, if lasting, could lead to a weakening of the political power of religious leaders in Iraq. In a nod to those changing tastes, political parties are scrubbing overt references to religion.

"In the beginning, they gave their eyes and minds to the clerics, they trusted them," said Abu Mahmoud, a moderate Sunni cleric in Baghdad, who now works deprogramming religious extremists in American detention. "It's painful to admit, but it's changed. People have lost too much. They say to the clerics and the parties: You cost us this."

"When they behead someone, they say 'Allah Akbar,' they read Koranic verse," said a moderate Shiite sheik from Baghdad. "The young people, they think that is Islam. So Islam is a failure, not only in the students' minds, but also in the community."

A professor at Baghdad University's School of Law, who would identify herself only as Bushra, said of her students: "They have changed their views about religion. They started to hate religious men. They make jokes about them because they feel disgusted by them."

That was not always the case. Saddam Hussein encouraged religion in Iraqi society in his later years, building Sunni mosques and injecting more religion into the public school curriculum, but always made sure it served his authoritarian needs. Shiites, considered to be an alternate political force and a threat to Hussein's power, were kept under close watch. Young Shiites who worshiped were seen as political subversives and risked attracting the attention of the police.

For that reason, the American invasion was sweetest to the Shiites, who for the first time were able to worship freely. They soon became a potent political force, as religious political leaders appealed to their shared and painful past and their respect for the Shiite religious hierarchy.

"After 2003, you couldn't put your foot into the husseiniya, it was so crowded with worshipers," said Sayeed Sabah, a Shiite religious leader from Baghdad, referring to a Shiite place of prayer.

Religion had moved abruptly into the Shiite public space, but often in ways that made educated, religious Iraqis uncomfortable. Militias were offering Koran courses. Titles came cheaply. In Abu Mahmoud's neighborhood, a butcher with no knowledge of Islam became the leader of a mosque.

A moderate Shiite cleric, Sheik Qasim, recalled watching in amazement as a former student, who never earned more than mediocre marks, whizzed by stalled traffic in a long convoy of sport utility vehicles in central Baghdad. He had become a religious leader.

"I thought I would get out of the car, grab him and slap him!" said the sheik. "These people don't deserve their positions."

An official for the Ministry of Education in Baghdad, a secular Shiite, described the newfound faith like this: "It was like they wanted to put on a new, stylish outfit."

Religious Sunnis, for their part, also experienced a heady swell in mosque attendance, but soon became the hosts for groups of religious extremists, foreign and Iraqi, who were preparing to fight the United States.

Zane Muhammad, a gangly 19-year-old with an earnest face, watched with curiosity as the first Islamists in his Baghdad neighborhood came to barbershops, tea parlors, and carpentry stores before taking over the mosques. They were neither uneducated nor poor, he said, though they focused on those who were. Then, one morning while waiting for a bus to school, Muhammad watched a man walk up to a neighbor, a college professor whose sect Muhammad did not know, shoot him at point-blank range three times and walk back to his car as calmly "as if he was leaving a grocery store."

"Nobody is thinking," Muhammad said in an interview in October. "We use our minds just to know what to eat. This is something I am very sad about. We hear things and just believe them."

By 2006, even those who had initially taken part in the violence were growing weary. Haidar, a grade school dropout, was proud to tell his family he was following a Shiite cleric in a fight against American soldiers in the summer of 2004. Two years later, however, he found himself in the company of gangsters.

Young militia members were abusing drugs. Gift mopeds had become gift guns. In three years, he saw five killings, mostly of Sunnis, including that of a Sunni cabdriver shot for his car.

It was just as bad, if not worse, for young Sunnis. Rubbed raw by Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia, they found themselves stranded in neighborhoods that were governed by seventh-century rules. During interviews with a dozen Sunni teenage boys in a Baghdad detention facility on several sticky days in September, several expressed relief at being in jail, so they could wear shorts, a form of dress they would have been punished for in their neighborhoods.

Some Iraqis argue that religious-based politics was much more about identity than faith. When Shiites voted for religious parties in large numbers in an election in 2005, it was more an effort to show their numbers, than a victory of the religious over the secular.

"It was a fight to prove our existence," said a young Shiite journalist from Sadr City. "We were embracing our existence, not religion."

The war dragged on, and young people from both sects became more broadly involved. Criminals had begun using teenagers and younger boys to carry out killings. The number of juveniles in American detention was up more than sevenfold in November from April, and Iraq's main prison for youth, in Baghdad, has triple the prewar population.

But while younger people were taking a more active role in the violence, their motivation was less likely than adults to be religion-driven. Of the 900 juvenile detainees in American custody in November fewer than 10 percent claimed to be fighting a holy war, according to the American military. About one-third of adults said they were.

A worker in the American detention system said that by her estimate, only about a third of the adult detainee population, which is overwhelmingly Sunni, prayed.

"As a group, they are not religious," said Major General Douglas Stone, the head of detainee operations for the military. "When we ask if they are doing it for jihad, the answer is no."

Muath, a slender, 19-year-old Sunni with distant eyes and hollow cheeks, is typical. He was selling mobile phone credits and plastic flowers, struggling to keep his mother and five young siblings afloat, when a recruiter, a man in his 30s, a regular customer, offered him cash in western Baghdad last spring to be part of an insurgent group, whose motivations were a mix of money and sectarian interests. Muath, the only wage earner, agreed. Suddenly his family could afford to eat meat again, he said in an interview in September.

Indeed, at least part of the religious violence in Baghdad had money at its heart. An officer at the Kadhamiya detention center, where Muath was being held this autumn, said recordings of beheadings fetch much higher prices than those of shooting executions in the CD markets, which explains why even nonreligious kidnappers will behead hostages.

When Muath was arrested last year, the police found two hostages, Shiite brothers, in a safe house that Muath revealed. Photographs showed the men looking wide-eyed into the camera; dark welts covered their bodies.

Violent struggle against the United States was easy to romanticize at a distance.

"I used to love Osama Bin Laden," proclaimed a 24-year-old Iraqi college student. She was referring to how she felt before the war took hold in her native Baghdad. The Sept. 11, 2001, strike at American supremacy was satisfying, and the deaths, abstract.

Now, the student recites the familiar complaints: Her college has segregated the security checks; guards told her to stop wearing a revealing skirt; she covers her head for safety.

"Now I hate Islam," she said, sitting in her family's unadorned living room in central Baghdad. "Al Qaeda and the Mahdi Army are spreading hatred. People are being killed for nothing."

Parents have taken new precautions to keep their children out of trouble. Abu Tahsin, a Shiite from northern Baghdad, said that when his extended family built a Shiite mosque, they purposely did not register it with the religious authorities, even though it would have brought privileges, because they did not want to become entangled with any of the main religious Shiite groups that control Baghdad.

In Falluja, a Sunni city west of Baghdad that had been overrun by Al Qaeda, Sheik Khalid al-Mahamedie, a moderate cleric, said that fathers now came with their sons to mosques to meet the instructors of Koran courses. Families used to worry most about their daughters in adolescence, but now, the sheik said, they worry more about their sons.

"Before, parents warned their sons not to smoke or drink," said Muhammad Ali al-Jumaili, a Falluja father with a 20-year-old son. "Now all their energy is concentrated on not letting them be involved with terrorism."

Recruiters are relentless, and, as it turns out, clever, peddling things their young targets need. Stone describes it as a sales pitch a pimp gives to a prospective prostitute. American military officers at the American detention center said it was the Al Qaeda detainees who were best prepared for group sessions and asked the most questions.

A Qaeda recruiter approached Zane Muhammad, on a college campus with the offer of English lessons. Though lessons had been a personal ambition of Muhammad's for months, once he knew what the man was after, he politely avoided him."When you talk with them, you find them very modern, very smart," said Muhammad, a nonreligious Shiite, who recalled feigning disdain for his own sect to avoid suspicion.

The population they focused on was poor and uneducated. About 60 percent of the American adult detainee population is illiterate and is unable to even read the Koran that religious recruiters are preaching.

That leads to strange twists. One young detainee, a client of Abu Mahmoud's, was convinced he had to kill his parents when he was released, because they were married in an insufficiently Islamic way.

There is a new favorite game in the lively household of the Baghdad journalist. When they see a man with a turban on television, they crack jokes. In one of them, people are warned not to give their cellphone numbers to a religious man.

"If he knows the number, he'll steal the phone's credit," the journalist said. "The sheiks are making a society of nonbelievers."

Kareem Hilmi, Ahmad Fadam and Qais Mizher contributed reporting.

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பெரியார்-மூடப்பிரச்சாரம் பிரபலம்

பகுத்தறிவு பகலவன் பெரியார் இந்த மண்ணின் பிறந்து மூடப்பிரச்சாரங்களை ஒழிக்க பல வழிமுறைகளை மேற்கொண்டார்.

ஆனால் என்ன செய்ய இவர் மறைந்து விட்டார்.ஆனால் மூட பழக்கம் இன்னும் இந்த மன்னில் இருந்து மறையவில்லை.

இதே மண்ணில் கடவுள் பால்குடித்தல்,கடவுளின் அரபிக்கையெழுத்து,வரிசையில் இப்போ கன்னி மேரி காட்சி வேறே ,இவங்களை திருத்த ஒரு பெரியார் இல்லை ஆயிரம் பெரியார் வந்தாலும் திருந்த மாட்டாங்கள்,

எப்படி திருந்துவாங்க சிலைகளை உடைச்ச பெரியாருக்கே இப்ப சிலை வச்சுட்டாங்க,





http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/03/blog-post.html

திருத்தீட்டானுங்கையா திருட்த்திட்டானுங்க

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_29.html


எழுத்தாளர் சுஜாதா செத்ததால் எந்த பிரச்சனையும் இல்லை

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_6600.html


தேவடியாளுக்கு கூட அந்த மாதிரி உணர்வு வரும்பொழுது

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_27.html


தமிழ்மணத்தை விட்டும்,எழுத்து துறையை விட்டும் வெளியேறும் தமிழச்சி

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_145.html


காந்தியின் படுக்கை அறையில்- வசந்தம் ரவி

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_5453.html


பாலியல் தொழிலாளிக்கு ஒரு தொகை தந்து உறவு கொள்வதற்கும் என்ன வித்தியாசம்?

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_4987.html


அந்த பெண்ணோடு அன்றே உடலுறவு கொண்டாரே

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_26.html



தமிழச்சி உனக்கு எச்சரிக்கை

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_6357.html



மகளை திருமணம் செய்ய சொல்லும் குரான்

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_9884.html



பெண்ணுக்கு வரதட்சனை அந்த பெண்-என்ன கொடுமையடா இது?

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_22.html


மனைவியிடம் உறவு வைக்காமல் உறவு கொண்டதாக நினைக்கும் அளவுவுக்கு முற்றிபோனது எப்படி?

http://thamilislam.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_18.html

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எழில் வலைபதிவரின் கவனத்துக்கு

நானாக எந்த மதத்தையும்,எந்த பிரிவையும் தாக்க விரும்பவில்லை.ஆனால் நான் சார்ந்த என் மதத்தை பற்றி யார் தவறாக எழுதினாலும் அதற்கு சரியான பதிலடியை இரண்டு மடங்காக தருவேன் என்பதை தாழ்மையுடன் தெரிவித்துக்கொள்ளுகிறேன்.
என் மதத்தின் உள்ளே உள்ள தவறுகளை உண்மையாக சுட்டிகாட்டும் அன்பர்கள் இருக்கத்தான் செய்கிறார்கள்.அதை என் சமூகம் திருத்திக்கொள்ளுமோ இல்லையோ தெரியாது,நான் கண்டிப்பாக என்னை சார்ந்தவகள் அளவில் திருத்திக்கொள்ளுவேன்.
ஆபாச நிர்வாணப் படம் தயாரித்து , கோயில்களில் திருடுவது எப்படி என்பதை விளக்கும் சாமியார்.-போதையில் புரளும் அர்ச்சகர்கள்.

ஆசிரமம் நடத்தி நிர்வாணப் படம் தயாரித்த சாமியாரை காவல்துறையினர் தேடுதல் வேட்டை
நகரி, பிப். 8- கொள்ளை கும்பலிடம் நடத்திய விசாரணையில் அய்தராபாத்தில் ஆசிரமம் நடத்தி நிர்வாண பட சி.டி.க்கள் தயாரித்த சாமியாரை காவல் துறையினர் தேடி வருகின்றனர்

ஆந்திர மாநில தலைநகர் அய்தராபாத்தில் உள்ள அருங்காட்சியத்தில் இருந்த நவாப் மன்னர்கள் கால கத்திகள் - கடந்த மாதம் திருட்டுப் போய் விட்டன.இந்த திருட்டு தொடர்பாக, அய்தராபாத் - சைதாபாத் காவல்துறையினர் இரண்டு நபர்களை கைது செய்து விசாரணை நடத்தியபோது அந்த கொள்ளையர்களிடம் இருந்து ஆபாச நிர்வாண பட சி.டி.க்கள் மற்றும் ரூபாய் 4 லட்சம் ரொக்க பணம் ஆகியவை சிக்கின

இவற்றை அய்தராபாத்தில் உள்ள நித்தியானந்த சாமி ஆசிரமத்தில் இருந்து கொள்ளையடித்ததாக அவர்கள் தெரிவித்தனர். அந்த பணம் அனைத்தும் கள்ள நோட்டுகள் என்று அறிந்ததும் காவல்துறையினர் அதிர்ச்சியடைந்தனர்.

இந்த தகவலை அறிந்த சாமியார் ஆசிரமத்திலிருந்து தலைமறைவாகிவிட்டார். ஆசிரமத்தில் காவல்துறையினர் நடத்திய சோதனையில் ஆயிரத்திற்கும் மேற்பட்ட நிர்வாண சி.டி.க்கள் கைப்பட்டன.
மற்றும் வயாகரா மாத்திரையும், பாலியல் உணர்வுகளை தூண்டும் ஸ்பிரே போன்றவைகள் பெட்டி, பெட்டியாக சிக்கின.

சாமியார் நித்தியானந்த சாமியாரின் உண்மையான பெயர் திரிபுரானந்த சாமி, கோதாவரி மாவட்டம், நக்க வரபு மண்டலம் ஜங்காரெட்டி கிராமத்தை சேர்ந்தவர்.சாமியாரிடம் கொள்ளையடித்த பணம் அனைத்தும் கள்ள நோட்டுக் கும்பலுடன் அவருக்கு தொடர்பு இருப்பது உறுதி செய்யப்பட்டுள்ளது.
பல கோயில்களில் திருடுவது எப்படி என்பதை விளக்கும் வரை படங்களும் ஆசிரமத்திலிருந்து கைப்பற்றப்பட்டுள்ளது என்றும் அந்த சாமி யாரை காவல்துறையினர் தேடி வருகின்றனர் என்றும் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
http://viduthalai.com/20080208/news08.html

போதையில் புரளும் அர்ச்சகர்கள்சேலம் சுகனேஸ்வரர் கோயில் பிரச்சினை
சேலத்தில் உள்ள சுகனேஸ்வரர் கோயிலைப் பற்றி பல புகார்கள் வந்துள்ளன.
ராதாகிருஷ்ணன் என்பவர் கோயில் அர்ச்சகர்கள்பற்றி சரமாரியாகப் புகார் கூறுகிறார்:

இங்கே உள்ள அர்ச்சகர்கள் போதை வஸ்த்துக்களை பயன்படுத்தியபடியே பூஜை பண்றாங்க. குறிப்பாக சங்கரன் என்கிற அர்ச்சகர், எல்லா நேரமும் பான்பராக் போட்டபடி தான் பூஜை பண்ணுவார்.
தியாகராஜன் என்கிற அர்ச்சகர் நில மோசடியில் ஈடுபட்டவர். கோயில் ஆளுங்க பயன் படுத்திக்கிறதுக்காக இருந்த... ஒரு கோடி ரூபாய் மதிப்புள்ள நிலத்தை, கோயில் நிருவாகத்தின் உடந்தையோட அர்ச்சகர்கள் வித்திருக்காங்க.

இது சம்பந்தமான வழக்கு நீதிமன்றத்தில் இருக்கு.இந்தக் கோயிலில் மூன்று அர்ச்சகர்கள்தான் இருக்கனும். ஆனா, ஏகப்பட்ட அர்ச்சகர்கள் இருக்காங்க. இங்கே பழுதான கோயில் குடியிருப்புகள் பல இருக்க... வன்னிய திலகமோ, தான் குடியிருக்கும் பகுதிக்கு மட்டும் காம்பவுண்டு சுவர் கட்டியிருக்கார்.
பக்தர்களுக்கு கழிப்பிட வசதி இல்லை. யானைக்கு அங்கவஸ்திரம் கூட இல்லை. ஆனா... அவங்க மட்டும் செழிப்பாயிருக்காங்க.இந்த ராதாகிருஷ்ணன்பற்றியும், அர்ச்சகர்கள் புகார் கூறியுள்ளனர்.--நன்றி: நக்கீரன், 9.2.2008 ..>> http://viduthalai.com/20080208/news05.html

http://idhuthanunmai.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_09.html

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